British Columbia’s Early Election

A snap election has been called in BC, with the province heading to the polls on October 24, 2026, roughly two years earlier than required. Premier David Eby and the BC NDP say the election is necessary because the province is facing an existential threat caused by US President Donald Trump’s trade war, and that a new mandate is required, but many others have a different take. 

Why is it happening (and so early)?

Is it legal to call an election so soon after the last one? Yes! In Canada’s Westminster-style constitutional monarchy, a premier can request an early dissolution of the legislature, provided the constitutional rules governing the maximum life of the legislature are respected. The lieutenant governor then decides whether to grant the request. So, it was constitutionally appropriate for the Hon. Wendy Cocchia – the King’s representative in BC – to grant Premier Eby’s request to call an early election. But that doesn’t mean it’s a decision without controversy.

Critics argue that Eby is using a public emergency to take advantage of the weakness of the opposition in order to gain a political advantage before a high deficit and slumping poll numbers make re-election more difficult.

Why is the opposition weak? Well, the BC Conservatives – who narrowly missed forming government in the last election – are in serious turmoil. Former leader Kerry-Lynne Findlay resigned after less than four months on the job after several MLAs left the caucus, with some even joining or forming other parties. At least two BC Conservative MLAs have joined the further-right OneBC party. Other MLAs who left caucus to join the upstart CentreBC party have now rejoined the Conservative caucus, though internal divisions remain. And the CentreBC party – a new centrist political party that seemingly seeks to resemble the federal Liberals under Mark Carney – will remain on the ballot, led by former BC Conservative MLA Elenore Sturko. Oh, and the BC Conservatives will be led by an interim leader – Lorne Doerkson – during the election, meaning that the party may choose a new leader to serve as premier after the election, should the Conservatives win.

The result of all of this could be vote splits in key electoral ridings, allowing the NDP to win seats that a united opposition would otherwise win. And the optics of chaos and disunity in the BC Conservative Party could also make voters wary. For all of these reasons, the BC NDP are being accused of opportunism. 

Who is running?

The main parties and leaders are:

  • BC NDP – David Eby (premier) | Incumbent left-leaning government seeking re-election (comparable to federal NDP)
  • BC Conservative Party – Lorne Doerkson (interim leader) | Centre-right party and official opposition after the last election (comparable to Conservative Party of Canada)
  • BC Green Party – Emily Lowan (leader) | Left-leaning, third-place party in the legislature after last election (comparable to Green Party of Canada)
  • CentreBC – Elenore Sturko (leader) | The leader is the only sitting MLA of the new centrist political party (comparable to Liberal Party of Canada)
  • OneBC – Dallas Brodie (interim leader) | Relatively new populist, right-wing political party (comparable to People’s Party of Canada)

Why it matters

In addition to the top-of-mind issues like crime and safety, health care, and affordability, this election is a referendum on how BC should respond to the trade war.

  • Should the province protect jobs through public investment and industrial policy?
  • Should it expand resource exports and transportation links?
  • How should it balance faster economic development with climate commitments and Indigenous rights?
  • Does confronting US pressure require stronger provincial leadership or more cooperation with Ottawa?

Why it also matters

It’s also very possible this election will be a referendum on whether this election is harmful to democracy. While an early election is legal and far from unprecedented in Canada, the Westminster system’s unwritten rule is that an election shouldn’t be called when the opposition is without a leader. In fact, calling an election in this circumstance is highly unusual in countries that use our system of governance.

This raises several questions. Should a government use an emergency to ask voters for a mandate before opponents are organized? Does this scenario give voters enough reasonable options from which to make a fair decision on who should govern them for the next four years, especially during a time of crisis? And does the act of calling an election further undermine trust in electoral politics in a time of polarization and misinformation?

The BC election also overlaps awkwardly with municipal elections: local elections are scheduled for October 17, only one week before the provincial vote. This too could create confusion and low voter turnout, further impacting the democratic process in the province.

Want to know more?

Better understand our system of governance in Social Studies Chapter One, ideological debates in BC and Canada in Social Studies Chapter Two, and the issue of democratic decline in Canada at a Crossroads Chapter Five.

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